FBI: Occupy, Kampuhan, Reclaim at Overhaul the System

FBI: OCCUPY, KAMPUHAN, RECLAIM, AT OVERHAUL THE SYSTEM

Mykel Andrada

 

Mga sagot ko sa Facebook Interview na isinagawa ni Marc Jayson Cayabyab ng Tinig ng Plaridel noong Disyembre 7, 2011. Tungkol sa “Occupy Movement” sa Pilipinas ang panayam. Ang mga tanong ay naka-boldface at sa ilalim ng bawat tanong ay ang aking sagot. Salamat!

 

 

1. ano po ba ung pinaparating na mensahe ng ganitong malawakang movement po na sinasabayan ng bansa? siguro po usapin ng pagreclaim po ng isang espasyo. occupy nga po, ganyan. Hehe

 

Sa totoo lang, hindi naman bago sa Pilipinas ang “occupy” na konsepto ng mobilisasyon o mass action. Matagal nang nagsasagawa ang mga progresibo at aktibsta ng tinatawag na mga “kampuhan,” “piketline,” “welga,” at iba pang tawag sa mga aksiyong masa na kapwa pisikal at alegorikal na nagpapatungkol sa pagbawi sa espasyo.

 

Kung sa mga magsasaka iyan, laging nagsasagawa ang mga progresibong magsasaka at manggagawang bukid ng KMP (Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas) ng mga kampuhan, na nagmumula sa lakbayan ng mga magsasaka.

 

2. ano naman po ang pinpahiwatig kumbaga po na simbolo ng ganitong occupy na konsepto po? lalo na po’t pinapangunaha po sya ng 99 percent, sa diwa po ng occupy movement

 

Haimbawa, pag babalikan ang mga talumpati sa halos lahat ng kampuhan, rali at demonstrasyong masa, sinasabi ng maraming tagapagsalita na ang Pilipinas ay pinatatakbo lamang ng 1% ng mamamayan ng bansa. At tunay na mayorya ng mamamayan, ang 99%, ay dinodomina ng 1%.

 

Kung kaya mainam na suriin kung bakit ang konsepto ng “occupy” ay sa katotohanan “pagbawi” o “reclaim” — isang politico-cultural na aksiyong-masa na naglalayong ipakita sa mamamayan

at sa bayan na ang mga panlipunan, pang-ekonomiya, at pampulitikang isyu ay makikita hindi lamang sa lansangan.

 

3. sguro po sa diwa ng “pagbawi” o “pagreclaim”. ano naman po ung nirereclaim ng 99 percent sa pag”occupy” ng isang espasyo?

 

Both physical at symbolical ang reclamation ng isang espasyo. Halimbawa, kung 99% ang nag-ooccupy to reclaim a space, it means that majority of the Filipino people originally “own,” “reside” or are free to use and cultivate the said space; but because of the domination of the 1%, free access of these spaces, that do not only constitute geographical or physical loci, but also represent the whole political and economic spectrum whereby the impoverished are denigrated day by day.

 

So this means that reclaiming a geopolitical space such as Mendiola — that has been actually a site or locus of struggle by warring social classes — is an action which is very political although symbolical.

 

Reclaiming a space such as Mendiola is also a political narrative — a writing of the present and the future. When we say “to occupy” or “to reclaim” is a political narrative means that we see the narrators or writers of this historical narrative as essentially class-based. The 99% becomes the collective author that progressively redesigns and re-attributes their notion of counter-hegemonic aspirations, of changing the current capitalist system for a better and more humane system.

 

4. so bale po ang pagreclaim kumbaga sa isang espasyo ay paraan rin po ng pagreclaim sa isang political power na nararapat naman ay nasa 99 percent po?

 

We occupy a space, we reclaim a space, because we want to reclaim the rights that have been stolen from the 99%.

 

5. ok po. so bale naman po sa usapin ng motibo ng mga occupants sa movement na ito. paano naman po naiiba ang pilipinas bilang ang mode naman po sa US ay to end corporate greed? ano naman po ang atake ng pilipinas sa ugat ng kahirapan sa bansa?

 

Oo, yung political power at economic power na ninakaw at hinawakan na lang ng 1% ang nais na bawiin ng 99%. Pero siyempre, dapat malinaw na yung pagreclaim ng political at economic power ay para talaga sa 99% at hindi lamang para sa iilan. Kaya essentially, sa unang stage or level, sinisimbolo ng “occupy” o “reclaim” ang pagbawi ng bourgeois rights ng tao tulad ng lupa, trabaho, pagmamay-ari pa rin kasi.

 

Pero siyempre, sa struggles to occupy and reclaim, ipinapakintal na the fight doesn’t end sa pagbawi ng bourgeois democratic rights kundi simula lang ito ng pagpapalalim sa kung anong klase ba ng sistema ang kailangan ng bansa. So yun ang second level o antas ng occupy o reclaim. Na it’s time to change the system!

 

6. ano naman po ung masasabi niyo dun sa mode ng ibang occupy movements na against corporate greed lang po? samantalang sa Pilipinas ay mas social system mismo ung kinukustyon, samantalang sa US po ay value system kumbaga tulad ng corporate greed

 

Yun naman kasing anti-corporate greed ng occupy movement ay nagpapakita na yung klase ng movement nila, or at least ng mainstreamed na notion ng occupy movement, ay isang anti-capitalist pero burgis na klase pa rin ng movement.

 

Corporate greed, of course, necessitates subversion from the people. After all, greed for superprofit is the end-all and be-all of capitalism. So sa isang banda, progressive naman yung occupy movements, pero kelangan pa talaga ito ng mass participation at nang mas revolutionary na direction. Sige, let’s say that these corporations agree to lessen their greed or to weed out their greed, does this solve the poverty problem and unemployment? No.

 

Because the system, the capitalist system, is retained and sustained. So there must be a need to overhaul such system and not just reform the system.

EI: “Required” ba ang Campout sa Mendiola simula Disyembre 6, 2011?

Mga Sagot ko sa mga tanong ni Victor Gregor Limon ng Philippine Collegian patungkol sa December 6 Campout sa Mendiola. Inemail niya ang mga tanong noong December 3, 2011. Ang kaniyang mga tanong ay nakahilig (italicized) at sinusundan ang mga ito ng aking mga sagot. Salamat!

1. Sa hanay po ng mga guro at iba pang empleyado ng UP, paano po ang paglahok natin sa camp-out ngayong Dec 6? and 3. Paano po ang kasalukuyang kampanya para mapalawak ang suporta mula sa mga guro at iba pang empleyado ng UP?

Isa sa challenges sa hanay ng mga guro, REPS at kawani ng UP ay ang mapalabas sila mula sa kanilang opisina at lumahok sa mga pagkilos tulad ng mobilisasyon, rali at ito ngang sa December 6 ay campout. Sa karanasan ng All UP Academic Employees Union at All UP Workers Union, ang mahigpit na kondisyon ng paggawa at ang peti-burgis na kamalayan ng maraming empleyado ng UP ang pangunahing mga hadlang sa partisipasyon nila sa mga mass mobilization. Ibig sabihin, kahit dama ang kahirapan at dama ang diskriminasyon, hindi madali ang paglabas ng opisina at unibersidad. Hindi mo naman sila puwedeng i-require na sumali sa rali. Para rin lang yan sa mga klase, hindi magandang tingnan na ang mga estudyante ay nire-require na sumali sa rali. Napapalabas natin ang mga empleyado at estudyante mula sa kanilang nakasanayang akademiko at administratibong routine kung napapataas natin ang kanilang kamalayang pampulitika lagpas sa pulitika ng kanilang personal na mga adhikain at pangarap. Tandaan, hindi required ang rali at hindi nirerequire ang rali. Sa pagkamulat sa mga tunay na isyu ng unibersidad at ng koneksyon nito sa lipunan, doon hahantong na mismong ang sarili na ang magrerequire sa kaniyang sarili na kumilos, kasama ang nakararami, nang walang pag-aalinlangan.

Ang kahit na anumang paglabas sa opisina, klasrum at unibersidad ay isang politikal at personal na sakripisyo. Ang pagbimbin sa trabaho, halimbawa, upang lumahok sa mga protesta at aksiyong masa ay hindi matatawaran sapagkat nagmumula ito sa kolektibong inisyatiba na kumilos nang hindi mag-isa kundi “kumilos kasama ng nakararami.”Kung magagawa natin na pagkaisahin ang bawat indibidwal upang lumikha ng kolektibo, mas malakas at mas makabuluhan ang aksiyong masa. Of course, that is not to say that individual efforts would be denigrated, but collectivity, in all the histories of struggles that any nation went through, will provide us a meaningful look into how the collective is far more powerful. Kung kaya, para mapalabas at mapalahok ang mga guro, REPS, kawani at iba pang empleyado at miyembro ng komunidad ng UP, nagsagawa at patuloy na nagsasagawa ng educational discussions ang All UP Academic Employees Union at All UP Workers Union sa porma ng mga forum. Noong Setyembre 2011 na budget strike campaign ay sinimulan ng mga unyon na rumonda o mag-office to office upang ipaliwanag ang direktang epekto ng budget cuts sa mga empleyado ng UP. Nakapagsagawa ng forum sa College of Arts and Letters, College of Social Sciences and Philosophy at Asian Center. Nitong nagdaang mga linggo, napuntahan ng unyon ang Office of Counseling and Guidance, NISMED, Main Library at sa darating na linggo ay sa UPIS. Sa Enero naman ay nakalinya ang pagbibigay ng oryentasyon sa unyon sa College of Engineering at College of Music.Sa ngayon, ang partisipasyon ng mga miyembro at opisyal ng unyon ay nakapostura sa paglahok sa Disyembre 6 na campout. Ang mga porum ay paghahanda para sa paglahok sa nasabing pagkilos. Maglalabas ng regular na isyu ng Pandayan, ang publikasyon ng mga unyon sa UP.Sa bahagi ng mga guro sa unyon at sa CONTEND-UP ay patuloy ang pagsasagawa ng AKLAS o Alternatibong Klase kasama ang mga estudyante at konseho ng mga mag-aaral at mass organizations upang talakayin sa lebel ng imperyalismo at politika ang budget cut, at na ang “standard issues of the day” tulad ng pataas ng matrikula, presyo ng langis at produkto, at politikal na pamamaslang ay mga isyung hindi hiwalay sa pangkabuuang larga ng sistema ng isang mapaniil na gobyerno.

2. Ano po sa partikular ang mga isyung dadalhin ng AUPWU?

Bukod sa mas mataas na badyet para sa UP, SUCs, education sector, kalusugan at iba pang serbisyong panlipunan, bitbit ng All UP Academic Employees Union at All UP Workers Union ang isyu ng STK o Sahod, Trabaho at Karapatan. Nananatiling mababa ang sahod ng mga empleyado ng gobyerno kaya hinihingi ang pagpapataas ng Salary Grade level laluna sa mga rank-and-file na empleyado at entry level. Nagiging laganap ang kontraktwalisasyon at subkontraktwalisasyon maging sa mga ahensiya at opisina ng pamahalaan. Mayroon pa ring diskriminasyon sa pamahalaan pagdating sa pagtataguyod at pagpapatakbo ng mga unyon ng empleyado.

Kasama rin sa isyu ang political at panlipunang hustisya — pagpapanagot kay Gloria Macagapal Arroyo para sa mga paglabag sa karapatang pantao at iba pang krimen ng nakaraang administrasyon. Pagpapanagot kay Noynoy Aquino sa lahat ng anti-mamamayan at pro-imperyalistang Estados Unidos na patakaran tulad ng kaniyang 2012 budget, ang Private Public Partnership, pagtaas ng presyo ng mga bilihin, mga politikal na pamamaslang sa mga guro at iba pang progresibo, ang pagtitiyak ng land distribution para sa mga magsasaka at manggagawang bukid ng Hacienda Luisita at iba pang hacienda sa bansa.

4. Bakit po sa tingin niyo mahalaga ang partisipasyon ng UP sa gaganaping camp-out?

Ang UP ay isang State University at ang partisipasyon ng UP, bilang kinikilalang nagtataguyod ng mataas na antas ng edukasyon, at bilang nakararanas ng taunang paniniil ng gobyerno, ay isang kritikal na mukha at boses sa pagpapakintal ng mga isyung panlipunan at politika ng tunay na pagbabago. Ang laban na ito, kailangang tandaan, ay hindi nagtatapos sa partisipasyon sa campout o anumang pagkilos sa lansangan, sapagkat panahon ito at oportunidad ng oras at espasyo upang magpalakas ng hanay, magkonsolida ng mga miyembro at puwersa, at magpakilos at magmulat ng pinakamarami upang tugunan ang hamon ng panahon. Ang campout ay patunay na hindi matuwid ang daan.

EI: POVERTY PORN

Email Interview by Quennie Aguirre <kittyquennie@yahoo.com.ph>. Ms. Aguirre’s questions are in itals and boldface. My answers are in plain format. Questions sent via email on August 31, 2011.

On Poverty Pornography

Mykel Andrada

1. Have you ever directed any film, or have you been involved in film productions, specifically independent film productions?

I have been involved in two film productions: “Red ang Luha ni Mykel”, a thesis/adaptation by Adjani Arumpac and an indie film short entry entitled “Wanted: Bedspacers” written and directed by Michael Villar. In both films, I acted lead roles.

2. When was the start of the popularity of Filipino independent films?

When I was a freshman student in 1999 in UP Diliman taking up BA Malikhaing Pagsulat, Raymond Red was like a household cultural name for producing independent films. I also remember films like Supermaid and other films by Filipino-Americans or Filipino filmmakers based in the US. But the popularity of independent films in the Philippines was a hype catapulted by the advent of cheaper digital technology during the 21st century. It started out as an alternative to the very commercial mainstream film production monopolized by highly capitalist film productions such as Star Cinema and GMA Films. In the long run, the acquisition of Filipinos of cheaper digital technology — what is called as “relative democratization” of film technology allowed not only those who have money to fund film productions but also progressive and alternative filmmakers and film movements that showcased in their productions socio-political issues of mass concern. These days, independent films are so commercialized and co-opted by the government and capitalist machine outfits that most indie films are slanted towards marketization in the global arena. Also, sexually-charged themes make their way into commercial “indie films” or what is now touted as “(h)indie films” basically to make profit.

3. Aside from the budget and producing, how did they differ from mainstream films?

Supposedly, aside from the budget and commercial film production, indie films should be “free” to tackle issues and concerns that mainstream film production cannot afford to take on.

4. What are the common themes and issues present in these films?  How do they reflect Philippine society? Are they most of the time accurate to reality?

As regards alternative independent films, I believe that Sine Patriotiko (SIPAT), Southern Tagalog (ST) Exposure, May Day Productions, and other progressive independent multimedia groups tackle themes and issues that are very relevant to the general masses of Filipinos in our society. These film productions handle themes like feudalism and the hacienda system, the plight of activists, corruption in government, the need for a genuine cultural change, economic issues like the soaring prices of commodity products such as oil and education, and other such social concerns revolving around the general situation of poverty in the country.

5. How did they gain the attention of the international audience? What are the factors why the said films appeal to them? What are the differences between independent Filipino films and the contemporary Western films?

The Western eye and audience see poverty in the Philippines as something “unique” yet “universal.” The matter by which Pinoy filmmakers package poverty in the country is double-edged. First, it exposes the social ills of society — or at least a semblance of these — that perpetuate poverty in the country. Second, on the other hand, it makes “capital” out of the theme of poverty in the country. By capital I mean a product being peddled to the market, to be sold and bought. Poverty in supposed indie films, sadly, has become a mere product being sold to the international market, in the guise of social awareness and responsibility. But of course, there are films that genuinely tackle poverty and the proposed solutions to such social decay. But these films are not in the kowtowing business of producing indie films for the global or international market. Rather these are documentaries, short films and alternative films by progressive groups that advocate political ideologies in the assemblage of films.

6. What are the benefits of these films to our country and to its reputation?

A rich source of income for international festivals, in the commercial indie scene. But in terms of socio-political alternative indie films, there is what you call “social exposition,” the tradition of agitation-propaganda in the art/cultural scene, the discussion of socio-political issues, and how to address these in a clearly progressive and nationalist framework.

September 1, 2011. 2:30am. Mykel Andrada

EI: Andres Bonifacio Act of 2011 / House Bill 4353

Here are my answers to an email interview by Rachel C. Barawid, Reporter, Manila Bulletin Students and Campuses Section. July 10, 2011. Her questions are italicized here. Read her article “Teaching Bonifacio” by clicking on this link: http://mb.com.ph/articles/327687/teaching-bonifacio. Many thanks!

On the Andres Bonifacio Act of 2011 or House Bill 4353 filed by Kabataan Partylist Cong. Raymond Palatino

by Mykel Andrada

1. First of all, are you in favor of this bill? Why or why not?
Yes. I am very much in favor of the bill being proposed by Cong. Palatino of Kabataan Partylist. It is about time to include in our educational system a more comprehensive teaching of the life, works, theories and praxis of Andres Bonifacio, as the foremost plebeian and nationalist (read: anti-colonial and anti-imperialist) who shaped and continue to hone the consciousness of so many Filipinos from the Spanish times up to the present. Bonifacio’s personal and political life experiences are representative of the experiences of the majority of the population of the country, then and now. Needless to say, Bonifacio is very much relevant today as he was centuries ago.

2. How effective is the Rizal course that is being taught in UP through the P.I. 100? Do you think the Bonifacio subject, if approved, would be as effective as the Rizal course?

Teaching any course or subject cannot just be simply summarized in one syllabus or in one teaching semester. Aside from the syllabus that provides an outline of ideas and concepts to be discussed in class, other factors that need to be included in assessing the effectiveness of the teaching of Rizal course are (a) the mindset of the teacher, (b) the pedagogical methods or teaching strategies, (3) the availability of textbooks and other materials, and (d) the will and openness to learn the course. PI 100 or Philippine Institutions 100: The Life and Works of Jose Rizal, a 3-unit course required for all UP undergraduate students, is only as good or effective as the factors I have stated above. It means that the teaching of the said Rizal course varies depending mostly on the instructor handling it. There are PI 100 classes that dwell on the most basic life and work details of Rizal such as his childhood, his socio-political and cultural background, and his life and works produced as an expatriate scholar, but do not necessarily connect these ideas to the present condition of the Philippines in order to further the formation of a more transgressive Filipino nationalist ideology. There are classes that only dwell on idolizing Rizal, without critically discussing the political implications of his life and works. There are instructors, however, who really historically define Rizal as a propagandist, a revolutionary, and go as far as unfurling how Rizal is being used by recent governments to defend the status quo and by businesses to sell their products. This means that to effectively and comprehensively teach a Rizal or Bonifacio course, or any course for that matter, it entails a continuing education even on the part of the instructors handling the course, to not just simply consider Rizal or Bonifacio or any other hero as a historical artifact but to transgressively showcase how their lives and works are necessary for raising the social consciousness of our youth and our people so that they may engage themselves in collectively and genuinely serving our nation.

3. Cong. Palatino told me that in the 1950s when the Rizal bill was initiated, the life of other heroes were also supposed to be included in the subject but the teaching eventually stopped at Rizal. Are you aware of this Prof? If yes, can you please shed light on the matter?

In UP, for example, the reason why the Rizal course is named Philippine Institutions 100 is because it means that Rizal is considered as one of the Philippine Institutions among the many Philippine Institutions that we have such as Bonifacio, Apolinario Mabini, Emilio Jacinto, Gabriela Silang, and others. This means that there should be a PI 101, PI 102, etc. The government then should support the Bonifacio Bill by Palatino because it addresses the need to teach Bonifacio as one of the leading Philippine Institutions. In teaching PI 100 in UP, me and some of my colleagues do not only dwell on Rizal’s life and works. We critically and creatively connect Rizal with the lives and works of other Philippine Institutions such as Bonifacio, Mabini, Jacinto, and the like, in order to compare how they addressed the same issues that Rizal encountered.

4. Cong. Palatino said in his bill that the Rizal and Bonifacio lessons can be taught separately for half a semester or a separate course altogether can be created on the life and teachings of Bonifacio. Do you think this is feasible? How do you think the Bonifacio subject should be taught?

It is in my opinion that there should be a separate Bonifacio course, in order to break the very archaic notion of pitting Rizal and Bonifacio with each other. They are products of their times and social classes, so we must study them according to the said parameters. But of course, if this is not feasible, it wouldn’t hurt to teach Rizal and Bonifacio in one subject. The main argument would to draw from their life and works their specific contributions in the understanding of the various brands of nationalism before, during and after the Spanish colonial occupation.

5. What do you suggest should be the content of the course, and lesson plan? and 6. Are there enough materials on Bonifacio? Are they accessible like those of Rizal?

There are so many materials on Bonifacio — his essays, literary works, monuments, places named after him, interviews with his descendants, etc. Moreover, Bonifacio is interpreted and represented in various forms in the age of electronic and digital technology. Also, Bonifacio’s life and works are found in the oral tradition. Fragments of his works could be found in present-day children’s games and songs, in regional magazines, in school oratorical competitions, etc. Bonifacio is everywhere!

7. How important is this bill? and 8. According to Palatino, his bill aims to revive the spirit of nationalism among the youth, in particular the two brands of nationalism, peaceful revolt espoused by Rizal and militant nationalism by Bonifacio. Do you agree? Why or why not? and 9.  What’s the best lesson that we can learn from the life and works of Andres Bonifacio? How can he be relevant to the youth?
This bill is very important in reinvigorating a more genuine and mass-based nationalism among our students and people. There are many things that we can learn from Bonifacio. That it is not a disservice to the nation if you become an activist, a radical intellectual, a unionist, and a revolutionary. That genuine peace does not reside in individual persons alone, but in the collective struggle of the people. Bonifacio was a common tao, yet he participated in a revolution that decisively overthrew a very despotic and authoritarian colonial regime. What this country needs is a retooling of our sense of nationalism, specially that in these times, our sense of nationalism has been a perverse spectacle of Filipinos winning boxing, singing and beauty titles. Filipinos, specially the youth of our times, have been misled to believe that one’s self is more important than his people. We have grown to be individualistic, our sense of collective life denigrated to mainstream functions such as parties. We have been brought up to believe that the revolution need not be waged, unlike in other countries where their people take pride in their revolution. The revolution is not alien to them, and they are not alienated. In the Philippines, we are made to believe that if we are to wage a revolution, we must do it by buying clothes with Rizal or Bonifacio’s face, or staging a Facebook / online / virtual rally, Bonifacio will humble our youth and people with his exploits and examples. We will be humbled by how Bonifacio and the Katipunan revolution struggled to free us from colonial domination.

10. Cong. Palatino said that in UP, students can graduate without taking history subject. Hence, this further increases the growing disinterest in history among the youth who have very little knowledge about it. Is this true?

Yes. Since UP overhauled its general education curriculum via the Revitalized General Education Program (RGEP), an undergraduate student can choose what general education subjects to take. History subjects, therefore, become only options. And this negatively impacts on the students’ perceptions and ideals. I have students in PI 100, who did not choose to take general education History subjects, who still think that the Americans saved and liberated us. When asked with the question “When did the Philippine Revolution happen?”, there are still senior UP students who think that the Revolution took place in 1986, along EDSA.

11. If yes, what do you think needs to be done to make history appealing so more young people will be interested to study it? How should history be taught?

History is not about memorizing facts and figures, though these are of course necessary and important. The best way to teach any subject is to connect the past to the present in order to be able to decisively predict a future for our students. History, is in fact, not a boring discipline. It is the method of teaching history and the regurgitating notion that history is all about the past are the reasons why history seems to less appealing to students. History doesn’t only mean past. History is also the present and the future. I teach history by using popular cultural materials (such as commercial songs, youtube files, and internet materials referring to history) and connecting these to historical documents and materials. This way, students are not alienated by the seeming backtracking of history, but are rather motivated to connect these historical documents and materials to their present lives.

Form is Ideological

Form is Ideological

by Mykel Andrada

 

Let’s oppose censorship! Let the masses/audience view Mideo’s work and let them decide if the said art is acceptable or not.

I believe we are not here to defend Mideo and his art. Rather, we’re here to battle censorship. It is one thing to oppose censorship. And it’s another thing to offer a constructive criticism of Mideo’s work. Whether his work really subverts the hegemonic rule of establishments or not, the fact remains that we should oppose censorship, and let the masses/audience have their say about Mideo’s art. If it’s any indication, it is not only the Church, or the fundamentalists, or the government that criticizes “politeismo.” Even activists and non-Christians have critical views about it. But it should not be any reason to dictate closure of the exhibit.

Mideo, or any artist for that matter, should realize that there is what is called a “mass line.” Audience reception is essential. If the audience finds a work offensive, then maybe there’s a grain of knowledge that we have to consider there. If the audience does not react positively to a work, then maybe there’s a problem with the synthesis of content and form.

We do not alienate the public. We do not hastily generalize and conclude that those who find the exhibit offensive are incompetent of art appreciation, or that they are merely ignoramuses or shitheads. We can say that they are driven by their own political and ideological agenda. Which, of course, should be welcomed, given that these are sites or locuses for struggle. Especially that to struggle — to let viewpoints clash — is to promote the science of constructive criticism.

When we create art, it is because we want to be united with our public. If an art form does not effectively convey the message that an artist wants to purport, then maybe there’s something wrong or lacking with the form used. We do not create art and hold exhibits to alienate the public. If a work does not unite the specific and general public, then, logically, it divorces the audience from the artist. After all, “form is ideological.” For example, we use songs, other oral art forms and visual arts, rather than printed texts, when our target audience is a largely non-reading community.

If indeed we want to symbolically counter patriarchy — or any hegemonic rule for that matter — why put a penis on a rather peasant/working class depiction of Christ? If a calendar depiction of Christ the King — that which symbolizes Spanish colonialism and monarchy — had been used, for example, the message would have been slightly different, but still subject to audience interpretation. Why penis? Why not let Christ hold a hammer or a sickle in place of a scepter? And why Christ in the first place? Why not Gloria or Noynoy or any other bureaucrat capitalist or feudal lord?

We do not gain anything out of alienating our audience. We do not divorce ourselves and our art from the public. We do not promote absolute freedom of expression. That’s anarchism! What we do promote is responsive and responsible freedom of expression. These things hold true even in protest and revolutionary art.

No to censorship! And no to anarchism!

Raymond Williams’ “Marxism and Literature”

 

Click the link and download the book and read and share and be among the many pirates, haha! –> Raymond Williams – Marxism and Literature

Membership Form – All UP Academic Employees Union-Diliman Chapter

For UP Diliman faculty members and REPS who are interested to become members of the All UP Academic Employees Union-Diliman Chapter, please download, print and fill out the attached membeship form (click on this link: Membership Form All UP Acad Union Diliman). You can send or bring it to the union office: Room 102, Vinzons Hall, UP Diliman, Quezon City. Or email us at allupacadunion@gmail.com to tell us where we can pick up your accomplished form. Maraming salamat!

RH Bill & Sexuality Education

HINGGIL SA COMPREHENSIVE REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH BILL.

 

Nagsagawa ang UP Diliman University Health Service (UHS) sa pakikipagtulungan sa UP Diliman Gender Office (DGO) at Gabriela Women’s Party (GWP) ng forum na “Comprehensive Reproductive Health Bill Action Forum” sa Conference Room ng UPS, UP Diliman noong Marso 18, 2011. Nagsalita si Ma’am Ger ng Gabriela at si Rep. Emi De Jesus ng GWP. Salamat kina Tita Connie, Ness at Prop. Marion Tan, direktor ng DGO, para sa imbitasyon. Nagsilbi bilang dalawa sa limang reaktor si Prop. Mykel Andrada, Presidente ng All UP Academic Employees Union-Diliman Chapter, at si Gng. Shirley Cabrera ng Gender Committee ng All UP Workers Union, kasama si College of Home Economics (CHE) Dean Mayo, ang head ng Gender Desk ng UPHS, at si Vice Chancellor for Student Affairs Dr. Elizabeth Enriquez.

Bidyong kuha ni Lisa Marie Clemente ng All UP Workers Alliance.

SIPON

Sipon

Mykel Andrada

 

Bukas raw ay magtataas na naman ng presyo

ang langis. Dumaloy ang masaganang

sipon mula sa kanang kuweba ng aking ilong.

Ipinampunas ko ang kamisetang

may mukha ni Superman.

Kumapit ang ilang natirang lagkit

sa aking kaliwang hintuturo’t hinlalaki.

Piningot ko ang sariling ilong

at dahan-dahang suminga para bumulwak

ang naimbudong hangin sa aking mga tainga.

Humikab ako at narinig kong lumabas

mula sa mga tarangkahan kong labi

ang urong-sulong na hilik ng madaling araw,

ang paghaharutan ng mga pusa,

ang namamaos na tilaok ng tandang,

ang garalgal ng konstruksyon ng condo,

ang nangangasong sipol ng takore,

ang nagmumumog na makina

ng mga jeep, bus at iba pang sasakyan.

Hindi pa naiuutot ng aking mga tainga

ang lahat ng bigat ng hangin sa likod

ng aking noo. Lumabas ako ng bahay

at pinausukan ng nikotina ang nagmamadaling

langit: sing-itim ng gasolina ang mga ulap,

minamantsahan ang mayabang

at naninilaw na buwan.

Humatsing ako na parang sunud-sunod

na busina ng nagmamartsang trapik

sa kalsada.

 

 

Iba, QC. March 29, 2011. 3:57am.

 

ELBI

Elbi

Mykel Andrada

 

Isinisingit kita sa pagitan ng pagsusulat

Ng mga bagay na mahalaga sa akin

Tulad ng papel para sa klase,

Polyeto para sa kampanya natin,

Tugon sa mga tanong ng estudyante,

O mga tala ng huling pulong na lihim.

May mga lihim akong nagsusumiksik

Para magpailandang at lumaya:

Isang bungkos ng mga salitang

Pinagigitnaan ng mga espasyo

At mga blangko at iba pang uri ng damdaming

Tila mataas na bundok na masukal sa halaman

O banga sa sementadong isaw na daan,

O maikling tulay na minsa’y kailangang pangilagan

Dahil sa mga kuwento ng humahabang kababalaghan;

O mga sandali ng pagbisita sa lumang kahoy na tahanan,

O mga bubuyog na lumalapit sa ilaw

At gagambang tumatahi ng bahay

At ginagawang mga posteng kapitan

Ang kisame at ang kaliwa kong kamay.

Tila rin tuko na nagsumuot sa gubat

Ng mga gamit na pansamantalang pinahalukipkip

Sa dalawang sulok ng salas.

Isinisingit kita sa pagitan ng pagsusulat

Ng mga bagay na mas mahalaga sa akin

At saka ko lamang mapapansin

Na itong kisameng pinaglalagian

Ng mga agiw, pako, at pundidong mga ilaw

Ay lumilikha ng napakarami mong mukha,

Lumalapit sa aking mga pisngi at labi,

Habang ako naman ay napapipinid.

 

 

UPLB Forestry. 4:52pm. March 27, 2011.